How the Woke Right, the Woke Left, and Islam Engage in a New Form of an Ancient Hatred

By Dr. Tim Orr

A year ago, I watched a video that shook me. It showed Jewish students at an Ivy League university locked inside the library while protesters outside chanted, “Globalize the Intifada.” What was once unthinkable is now tolerated, sometimes even celebrated. What used to be the domain of conspiracy theorists and white supremacists has found new homes in university campuses, populist movements, and even segments of Muslim religious discourse. But this isn’t just antisemitism with a new face—it’s antisemitism dressed up as moral virtue. I landed in London on October 7th, 2023, just hours after Hamas launched its brutal attack on Israeli civilians. The very next day, October 8th, I saw the protests firsthand—thousands flooding the streets of London spewing raw hatred toward Jews. What struck me most was that Israel hadn’t even responded militarily yet. And still, from both the woke left and parts of the Islamic community, there was an eruption of rage, not against Hamas, but against the Jewish state and the Jewish people. It was a sobering moment: the mask of “social justice” had fallen away to reveal something far more ancient and venomous.



Today, the woke left, the woke right, and radical Islamic leadership all converge, ironically and tragically, in their disdain for Israel and Jews. The overlap is not incidental. It signals something deeper: the breakdown of moral clarity in the postmodern West. This blog explores how each of these camps, leftist progressives, right-wing reactionaries, and certain Islamic thought leaders, approach the topic of Israel and Jews. Although they come from different ideological traditions, they increasingly find common cause in what Victor Davis Hanson calls the “asymmetry” of global outrage. The convergence is not based on shared values, but on a shared enemy. By examining their worldviews, methods, and theological assumptions, we can better understand not just where this hatred comes from, but how it is being normalized in our time.



The Woke Left: Justice Hijacked by Ideology


The “woke left” operates with a lens shaped by neo-Marxist theories that divide the world into oppressors and oppressed. Originating in post-colonial and critical race theory, this framework judges actions not by moral principle but by power dynamics. In this world, Israel, wealthy, militarized, and Western, is seen as a settler-colonial oppressor, while Palestinians, stateless, Arab, and often impoverished, are treated as eternal victims (Pluckrose & Lindsay, 2020). This binary leaves no room for complexity. It disregards the fact that Israel is a refuge for Holocaust survivors, that Jews were expelled from Arab lands after 1948, and that Hamas rules Gaza not through democratic consensus but coercion and terror.



One student I interviewed at a UK university claimed that because Jews are “white Europeans,” they inherently belong to the oppressor class. This statement was made despite the fact that over half of Israeli Jews descend from Middle Eastern or North African countries. The woke framework reduces people to power categories rather than understanding them in historical or theological terms. As such, Jewish suffering is minimized or denied altogether because Jews are imagined as privileged. Criticism of Israel quickly becomes antisemitism when the Jewish state is held to a moral standard no other nation is expected to meet (Hirsh, 2017). When protests erupt after Israel defends itself from rocket attacks, while silence greets China’s ethnic cleansing of Uyghurs or Turkey’s assault on Kurds, something deeper than political critique is at play.



The Woke Right: Isolationism and Religious Resentment


While antisemitism on the left is often cloaked in the language of justice, the woke right presents it under the guise of nationalism, isolationism, and a selective appeal to Christian heritage. This newer phenomenon is rooted in skepticism of foreign entanglements and a growing disdain for globalist elites, many of whom, in conspiracy theories, are cast as Jewish (Goldberg, 2018). Figures on the populist right ask: “Why should we support Israel?” But the question is often less about fiscal policy and more about resurrecting ancient Christian resentment against Jews.



Some of this is theological. I’ve met people in small-town churches who still believe Jews are “Christ-killers” who rejected the Messiah and therefore forfeited God’s favor. While this supersessionist view has been rejected by most mainstream theologians, it still lingers in shadowy corners of American Protestantism. Others adopt an “America First” mantra that uses budgetary arguments to mask deeper suspicion of Jewish influence. They’re quick to criticize aid to Israel, yet say little about aid to Egypt or Ukraine. Victor Davis Hanson warned of this rising antisemitism in conservative circles, noting that its resurgence mirrors pre–World War II sentiments (Morgan, 2023). The danger lies in how quickly populist frustration morphs into prejudice—especially when scapegoating Jews provides an easy target for explaining cultural decay.



Radical Islam: The Oldest Hatred in Sacred Garb


Among all three camps, radical Islamic antisemitism is the most theologically rooted and globally coordinated. While antisemitism in the West often cloaks itself in euphemisms, within radical Islamic discourse—both abroad and increasingly in the West, it remains openly declared and religiously justified. This hostility did not begin with the founding of the State of Israel in 1948. It reaches back to classical Islamic sources and to Qur’anic interpretations that present Jews as deceitful, cursed, and enemies of God (Qur’an 2:61, 5:60, 5:82). These texts have been weaponized by Islamists to frame modern political conflicts in cosmic, eternal terms. When Yusuf al-Qaradawi, one of the most influential Sunni clerics of the 20th century, publicly praised Hitler and prayed that “the next time” Jews would be destroyed “at the hands of the believers,” it was not merely political—it was theological (MEMRI, 2009).



What’s deeply troubling is how this form of antisemitism has migrated into mainstream American Muslim discourse. For example, Imam Omar Suleiman, founder of the Yaqeen Institute and a frequent guest at progressive interfaith events, has publicly compared Zionists to Nazis and referred to Israel as an apartheid regime. While he later nuanced some of his remarks, his social media posts during times of Israeli conflict have repeatedly flirted with anti-Jewish tropes and absolved Hamas of moral responsibility. Similarly, Linda Sarsour, a high-profile Muslim activist and co-organizer of the Women’s March, has praised Louis Farrakhan and once said that Zionism and feminism are incompatible, alienating Jewish women and echoing classic antisemitic dual loyalty accusations (Cooney, 2017).



This disturbing trend has extended into political office. Rep. Ilhan Omar (D-MN), one of the most visible Muslim politicians in the U.S., has repeatedly used language that draws from antisemitic tropes. Her 2019 tweet stating, “It’s all about the Benjamins baby,” referring to pro-Israel lobbying, evoked centuries-old accusations of Jewish control over politics and money (Wong, 2019). Despite walking back her remarks under pressure, the pattern has continued. In interviews and speeches, she has compared Israel to apartheid South Africa, accused it of hypnotizing the world, and minimized Hamas’s role in regional violence. Likewise, Rashida Tlaib (D-MI), another Muslim member of Congress, has accused Israel of ethnic cleansing and openly supports the Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions (BDS) movement, which many Jewish organizations recognize as a campaign to delegitimize the Jewish state entirely.



I remember speaking with a Jewish student at a California campus who told me, “I feel more afraid wearing a yarmulke today than my Muslim friends feel wearing a hijab.” That statement wasn’t meant to rank suffering, but to highlight a reversal: in spaces supposedly committed to inclusivity, Jewish students are increasingly excluded or vilified, often by those claiming to speak for the oppressed. This inversion of moral clarity—where Hamas is treated as a liberation movement and Israel as a colonial invader—is deeply embedded in the theological and political rhetoric of some Muslim leaders in the West. And while it’s important to note that many Muslims reject these ideas, the silence from major Islamic institutions when antisemitism surfaces within their own ranks is telling.

The

Horseshoe Theory: When Extremes Converge


At first glance, one might assume that progressive social justice warriors and right-wing Christian nationalists have nothing in common. But the horseshoe theory, the idea that political extremes often meet, explains how both ends of the spectrum now converge in their disdain for Jews. On the left, Jews are capitalist oppressors; on the right, they’re globalist subversives. On one side, Jews are demonized as “white colonialists”; on the other, they’re distrusted for not being “Christian enough” or for allegedly controlling media and finance. The motivations differ, but the outcome is the same: antisemitism cloaked in moral superiority.



It’s reminiscent of 1930s Europe, where Communist and fascist propaganda both targeted Jews, though for opposing reasons. Today’s Twitter feeds and protest chants recycle those same tropes, but with modern phrasing. As Jonathan Sacks (2003) observed, “The hate that begins with Jews never ends with Jews.” This is why Jewish communities often serve as a barometer of cultural health. Where they are safe, society flourishes; where they are persecuted, society begins to unravel. The present convergence of antisemitism from all ideological directions is not only a threat to Jews, but a warning to us all.



Conclusion: Courage and Clarity in a Confused Age


If we are to respond faithfully and wisely, we must resist the urge to flatten these trends into a single narrative. Criticism of Israel is not inherently antisemitic, but disproportionate, obsessive, and selective condemnation often is. We must be willing to challenge antisemitism wherever it appears, whether in woke slogans on college campuses, alt-right podcasts, or Friday sermons that glorify martyrdom. This will require intellectual honesty, theological integrity, and moral courage.



I think often of the words of Holocaust survivor Elie Wiesel: “The opposite of love is not hate, it’s indifference.” To remain silent while our Jewish neighbors face growing hostility is to choose indifference. As a Christian, I believe we are called to stand with the people of God—not blindly, but faithfully. The stakes are high, not just for Israel or Jews, but for the moral soul of the West. In the end, how we respond to Jew hatred in all its forms will reveal more about us than about them.



References


Cooney, S. (2017, March 14). Why Feminist Icon Linda Sarsour Keeps Clashing With Jewish Women. Time. https://time.com



Goldberg, J. (2018). Suicide of the West. Crown Forum.



Hamas. (1988). The Covenant of the Islamic Resistance Movement (Hamas). Retrieved from https://avalon.law.yale.edu/20th_century/hamas.asp



Hirsh, D. (2017). Contemporary Left Antisemitism. Routledge.



Khamenei.ir. (2018). Statements by Supreme Leader Ayatollah Khamenei. Retrieved from https://english.khamenei.ir



MEMRI. (2009). Sheikh Yousef Al-Qaradhawi on Al-Jazeera: Allah Imposed Hitler upon the Jews. Middle East Media Research Institute. https://www.memri.org



Morgan, P. (Host). (2023). Piers Morgan Uncensored [Interview with Victor Davis Hanson].



Pluckrose, H., & Lindsay, J. (2020). Cynical Theories. Pitchstone Publishing.



Sacks, J. (2003). The Dignity of Difference. Continuum.



Suleiman, O. (2018). [Social media posts on Israeli policy]. Twitter.



Wong, J. (2019, February 11). Ilhan Omar apologizes for tweets about AIPAC and money. The Guardian. https://www.theguardian.com

Who is Dr. Tim Orr?

Tim serves full-time with Crescent Project as the assistant director of the internship program and area coordinator, where he is also deeply involved in outreach across the UK. A scholar of Islam, Evangelical minister, conference speaker, and interfaith consultant, Tim brings over 30 years of experience in cross-cultural ministry. He holds six academic degrees, including a Doctor of Ministry from Liberty University and a Master’s in Islamic Studies from the Islamic College in London.

In addition to his ministry work, Tim is a research associate with the Congregations and Polarization Project at the Center for the Study of Religion and American Culture at Indiana University Indianapolis. His research interests include Islamic antisemitism, American Evangelicalism, and Islamic feminism. He has spoken at leading universities and mosques throughout the UK, including Oxford University, Imperial College London, and the University of Tehran. He has published in peer-reviewed Islamic academic journals. Tim is also the author of four books.