Few subjects in Islamic history are as passionately debated as the role and rights of women. This conversation isn’t just about interpreting ancient texts—it directly impacts the lives of millions of women across the Muslim world today.
Few subjects in Islamic history are as passionately debated as the role and rights of women. This conversation isn’t just about interpreting ancient texts—it directly impacts the lives of millions of women across the Muslim world today. From medieval madrasas in Damascus to modern classrooms in Cairo, Tehran, and beyond, scholars have asked: Did Islam uplift women or embed their subordination into religious law? The answer isn't found in nostalgia or slogans, but in a sober look at theology, history, and lived realities.
Today, many progressive Muslims and interfaith advocates argue that Muhammad was a liberator of women. They highlight the Qur’an’s ban on female infanticide, its allocation of inheritance rights, and the Prophet’s interactions with women as signs of a reformist spirit (Ahmed, 1992). These examples are often presented to counter critiques of Islamic gender norms. While there is historical truth to these improvements within 7th-century Arabia, the broader claim—that Islam is inherently egalitarian—warrants deeper scrutiny.
Speaking as someone who has published one article in a peer-reviewed journal, one in a student journal, and two book reviews in Islamic peer-reviewed journals—all within Islamic academic contexts—I’ve spent years engaging Islamic feminism from both traditional and reformist angles. My conclusion? The progressive narrative often overlooks the deeper structural issues embedded in the religion’s foundational texts. The Qur’an, Sunnah, and Sharia not only reflect the patriarchal norms of their time, they also institutionalize them. Take Qur’an 4:34, which explicitly assigns men authority over women. Or consider classical legal texts like al-Mawardi’s Al-Ahkam al-Sultaniyya or Ibn Qudama’s al-Mughni, which limit women’s legal capacities and public roles (Hidayatullah, 2014).
Hidayatullah points out that many feminist reinterpretations of the Qur’an struggle to deal with texts like 4:34 and 2:282 (which equates two women’s testimony with one man's). These verses are often reinterpreted metaphorically or explained away in historical context. But as she argues, this strategy doesn’t resolve the deeper theological problems. Verses permitting polygyny (4:3), enforcing male guardianship (4:34), or prescribing unequal inheritance (4:11-12) reflect a fundamentally hierarchical view of gender. Reformers sometimes minimize or sidestep these issues in their eagerness to harmonize Islam with feminism.
The problem isn’t only what these verses say, but how they were institutionalized. These gendered roles were codified through Islamic jurisprudence and became foundational in training scholars within the madrasa system. Over time, these interpretations were not seen as historical products but as divine law, bolstered by state authority in Islamic empires from the Abbasids to the Ottomans.
The net effect? Male dominance wasn’t just sustained—it was sacralized. In modern Muslim-majority countries, legal systems often still draw from these foundational sources, shaping everything from family law to courtroom testimony. So while it’s true that Muhammad improved women’s conditions marginally in his time, the broader legal and theological trajectory of Islam did not continue that reform. Instead, the codification of Islamic law froze gender roles in place.
Across all major schools of Sunni and Shia jurisprudence, male authority in marriage, divorce, and legal testimony remains a norm. Women are excluded from leading mixed-gender prayers, serving as judges (in many cases), or marrying without a male guardian. These aren’t fringe interpretations but mainstream positions grounded in centuries of exegesis and legal consensus. Hanafi manuals like Al-Marghinani’s Al-Hidayah state plainly that a woman’s testimony is inadmissible in criminal cases, and that she must have a guardian to marry.
The doctrine of 'isma (prophetic infallibility) compounds the issue. Since Muhammad is viewed as divinely guided in both word and conduct, critiquing his actions or legal judgments becomes nearly impossible without being accused of heresy. This makes reform not just difficult but theologically dangerous.
Progressive Muslims continue to pursue reform through approaches like maqasid al-shariah (objectives of the law), linguistic reanalysis, and contextual interpretation. Their efforts deserve admiration for their sincerity and creativity. But these attempts face stiff resistance from traditional scholars, who often dismiss them as unorthodox.
The deeper problem is this: progressive Islam wants to preserve the authority of foundational texts while also promoting gender equality. But the texts themselves—and the long-standing interpretations of them—don’t support that goal. This creates what could be called a theological schizophrenia: affirming the infallibility of Muhammad while trying to distance his actions from our ethical standards today. In one of my peer-reviewed articles, I examined how verses like 4:34 and traditional juristic rulings limit women’s agency. Unless the theological framework around prophetic authority is reconsidered, efforts at gender justice will remain stalled.
Islamic feminism is at a crossroads. If justice truly matters, then women need more than interpretive creativity. They need reform that touches the theological bedrock. This means asking hard questions: Is the existing legal structure compatible with universal human dignity? If not, are we willing to challenge it?
It won’t be easy. For many Muslims, such a path is unthinkable. But silence has a cost. Millions of women continue to live under systems that deny them basic rights—not because of culture, but because of religious law. Real reform requires courage, clarity, and a commitment to placing human dignity at the heart of the conversation. It means moving beyond rhetorical nods to justice and insisting that theology must change.
If Islamic feminism is going to make a real difference, it must do more than reinterpret the past. It must imagine a different future.
References
Ahmed, L. (1992). Women and Gender in Islam: Historical Roots of a Modern Debate. Yale University Press.
Barlas, A. (2002). "Believing Women" in Islam: Unreading Patriarchal Interpretations of the Qur’an. University of Texas Press.
Hidayatullah, A. A. (2014). Feminist Edges of the Qur’an. Oxford University Press.
Mernissi, F. (1991). The Veil and the Male Elite: A Feminist Interpretation of Women’s Rights in Islam. Perseus Books.
Wadud, A. (1999). Qur'an and Woman: Rereading the Sacred Text from a Woman’s Perspective. Oxford University Press.
Bukhari, M. I. (n.d.). Sahih al-Bukhari, Hadith 5133.
Ibn Qudama. (n.d.). al-Mughni.
Al-Mawardi. (n.d.). Al-Ahkam al-Sultaniyya.
Al-Marghinani. (n.d.). Al-Hidayah.
Sachedina, A. (2009). Islam and the Challenge of Human Rights. Oxford University Press.
Tim serves full-time with Crescent Project as the assistant director of the internship program and area coordinator, where he is also deeply involved in outreach across the UK. A scholar of Islam, Evangelical minister, conference speaker, and interfaith consultant, Tim brings over 30 years of experience in cross-cultural ministry. He holds six academic degrees, including a Doctor of Ministry from Liberty University and a Master’s in Islamic Studies from the Islamic College in London.
In addition to his ministry work, Tim is a research associate with the Congregations and Polarization Project at the Center for the Study of Religion and American Culture at Indiana University Indianapolis. His research interests include Islamic antisemitism, American Evangelicalism, and Islamic feminism. He has spoken at leading universities and mosques throughout the UK—including Oxford University, Imperial College London, and the University of Tehran—and has published widely in peer-reviewed Islamic academic journals. Tim is also the author of four books. Media coverage at the time highlighted the agreements' economic scale and diplomatic novelty. Polling conducted by Pew Research Center in 2020 showed that most Republicans supported Trump's foreign policy approach, including his handling of the Middle East (Pew Research Center, 2020). But they also sidelined Israel, empowered dubious allies, and failed to address the ideological engine behind Islamist strategy. In the long run, that’s not a deal—it’s a disaster waiting to unfold.